Politics At raucous town halls, Republicans have faced another round of anger over health care

02:14  12 august  2017
02:14  12 august  2017 Source:   MSN

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PowerPost. Follow Stories. At raucous town halls , Republicans have faced another round of anger over health care . The inside track on Washington politics.

× Republican lawmakers faced down angry voters during a week of raucous town halls . Getting angry. Much of the concern and anger at the town halls has been directed at the imminent repeal of the Affordable Care Act.

Attendees at a town hall hosted by Rep. Buddy Carter, a Republican from Georgia’s 1st District, at the College of Coastal Georgia in Brunswick, Ga., on Wednesday.© Bobby Haven/The Brunswick News Attendees at a town hall hosted by Rep. Buddy Carter, a Republican from Georgia’s 1st District, at the College of Coastal Georgia in Brunswick, Ga., on Wednesday.

BRUNSWICK, Ga. — The long August congressional recess, which Republicans hoped would begin a conversation about tax reform and must-pass budget measures, has so far seen another round of angry town halls focused on President Trump and the stalled effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act.

Over just one day, in three small towns along Georgia’s Atlantic coastline, Rep. Earl L. “Buddy” Carter (R-Ga.) spent more than four hours answering 74 questions, many of them heated. Just three focused on tax reform; nearly half of all questions focused on health care.

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Cotton's town hall was one of the most contentious among a slew of raucous town halls , despite In another heated moment, a woman whose voice shook with anger told Cotton that her husband was dying. Voter to @SenTomCotton: My husband is dying. We can't afford health insurance.

Constituents at a town - hall -style meeting with Senator Dean Heller and Representative Mark Amodei, Republicans of Nevada, in Reno on Monday. If some were already unwilling to commit to the health care overhaul pushed by Mr. Trump, in part because of the anger they faced in their districts, there is

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“We did our job in the House,” Carter said at the top of a town hall at Brunswick’s College of Coastal Georgia. “It got over to the Senate, and it hit a stumbling block there. Now it’s in their court, and they need to get something done. Folks, we’re not giving up.”

Carter’s town halls — he is hosting nine total, more than any member of the House — mirrored what was happening in swing and safe Republican districts across the country. The failure of the repeal bill kick-started a tax reform campaign, backed by Republican leaders and pro-business groups, who have booked millions of dollars in TV ads to promote whatever might lead to an “uncomplicated” tax code.

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The shouted questions, emotional pleas and raucous protesters of the evening crystalized the GOP’s tough political road ahead as it forges ahead with “You don’t want to hurt one group of people to help the another . GOP health care plan draws criticism at Seattle congresswoman’s town hall meeting.

The western Kansas Republican faced a sometimes raucous crowd of more than 500 people at the Hyatt Place in Lenexa on his way to the airport to fly back to the capital Monday morning. The full first half of the town hall focused on health care .

In the first spots, paid for by the American Action Network, a laid-off steelworker worries that without “lower taxes for working families,” more jobs will be “lost to China.” At rallies and forums in several states, Americans for Prosperity has pitched tax reform as a way to “unrig the economy.” And in a polling memo made public this week, the AAN found 65 to 73 percent of voters responding favorably to reform if it was pitched as a way to “restore the earning power” of the middle class and “save billions of dollars per in year on tax preparation services.”

But at town-hall meetings since the start of the recess, tax reform has hardly come up; health care has dominated. At a Monday town hall in Flat Rock, N.C., Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.) pitched a plan to devolve ACA programs to the states, then found himself fending off constituents who backed universal Medicare.

“You can take the top one percent and tax them fully, and it still won’t pay for Medicare,” said Meadows.

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At a town hall in Chico, Calif., in the most Democratic portion of a deep red district, Rep. Doug LaMalfa (R-Calif.) found himself fending off furious complaints about the repeal vote, with constituents accusing him of acting to bring about their death.

“I hope you suffer the same painful fate as those millions that you have voted to remove health care from,” one constituent told LaMalfa. “May you die in pain.”

Carter’s town halls did not reach that boiling point, but they revealed what the tone of congressional listening sessions has become — angry, wistful and loaded with progressive activists.

The 1st congressional District, stretching from Savannah to the Florida border, has been held by his party since 1993. In 2016, the Trump-Pence ticket carried the district by 15.5 points, while Democrats could not find a candidate to run against Carter.

But on Tuesday, the constituents who signed up for the meetings on Eventbrite and walked past local police officers to take their seats seemed to skew left. Two groups founded after the 2016 election, Speak Up Now and Savannah Taking Action for Resistance, had members at town halls in Darien and Brunswick.

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DAVE WEIGEL in GEORGIA -- “ At raucous town halls , Republicans have faced another round of anger over health care ”: Rep. Buddy “Carter, who peppered his answers with self-deprecating jokes, sometimes called on activists who’d dogged him before.

— Two Republican lawmakers representing reliably conservative districts on opposite ends of the country on Saturday faced down heated questions from Obamacare supporters who flooded town hall events demanding that Congress not dismantle a health care law that has provided insurance for

Carter, who peppered his answers with self-deprecating jokes, sometimes called on activists who’d dogged him before. In Brunswick, he quickly pivoted from a question about “Zionist influence in our foreign policy” by promising to “put America first.” After three different constituents asked him to say whether he supported the president’s decision to ban transgender men and women from military service, he went from deferring “to our commander in chief” to saying what he believed.

“I don’t want ’em serving in the military,” Carter said, as dozens of constituents booed and more than a dozen walked out. “I’m sorry.”

At each town hall, Carter provided fact sheets to advance two messages — one about how much work Congress had done in 2017, and one about how his party would not give up on repealing the ACA. A one-pager titled “Health Care Reform: Myth vs. Fact,” with citations from the Department of Health and Human Services, revealed just how much the party had suffered from Democratic attacks. Instead of rebutting the line that the AHCA would cut Medicaid, it framed the ACA’s Medicaid expansion as a departure from the program’s mission that denied “choice” to the working poor.

“Medicaid was designed to provide a vital health care safety net for elderly, children, pregnant women, and individuals with disabilities,” it read. “Low and middle-income adults capable of holding down a job should have health care choices.”

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Behind the microphone, Carter found himself making that same point repeatedly, about a slew of ideas for expanded government programs, as Democrats cheered and Republicans simmered. In Brunswick, after Carter told a college student that free tuition was a pipe dream — “we’ve got a $20 trillion” debt — an older man took the mic and advised the student to get a job.

It wasn’t the only time Carter stood back and watched as his constituents argued among themselves. Mary Nelson, 73, used her question time at Carter’s Darien town hall to insist that Republicans were all wrong about single-payer health care. She walked through an experience that her Australian relatives had gone through, and described a cheap system “with no hoops to jump through” that could be copied in America.

“They are taxed out the wazoo in Australia,” interjected Adrienne Stidhams, 48, a Trump supporter.

“How much do we pay for premiums?” Nelson asked rhetorically.

Like Meadows, Carter suggested that Democrats and Republicans could work together on health-care bills while the repeal effort stalled. When multiple constituents asked if he would let the probe of Russian meddling in the 2016 election play out, Carter defended the president and suggested that special counsel Robert S. Mueller III, “a good man,” would likely “find out the facts” before long.

“I’m worried about some of the people he has around him,” Carter said, apparently referring to lawyers hired for the probe who have been attacked in conservative media for donating to Democrats.

There were no questions about the debt limit, which must be raised when Congress returns to avoid default. The three questions about tax reform focused on the possibility of the “Fair Tax,” a national sales tax to replace taxes on income, about whether companies keeping profits overseas could be taxed, and about tax fairness in general.

Carter jumped at the opportunity to talk about it. “What’s being proposed right now is to bring our corporate tax down from 35 percent — one of the highest in the world — down to 15 percent,” he said, citing a tax reform blueprint released this spring and a positive analysis from the conservative Tax Foundation. “That will create jobs.”

No constituents followed up with questions. Instead, there was more skepticism about the president and his plans, countered by constituents who asked Carter to defend the president from media attacks.

“I tell ya, I don’t think I’ve ever seen a president that’s been disrespected by the media like this,” said Carter. He had more to say, but drowned out by booing, he moved on.

Will 2018 Look Like 2010 for Anti-Repeal Republicans? .
When House Republicans passed their measure to repeal and replace the 2010 health care law in May, 20 members of their conference voted against it. While some of them might be able to defend themselves against criticism by saying they voted against a historically unpopular bill, they could find themselves in the same political peril as Democrats who voted against the original health care bill in 2010. An analysis by Roll Call found that of the 34 House Democrats who voted against the legislation signed by President Barack Obama in 2010, 17 lost in the midterm elections later that year.Two more lost in 2012, and another two lost in 2014.

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